Comparative Research on Volunteer and NPO Activities for the

　The debate over social security and social welfare has heated up in recent years due to amultitude of socio-structural fluctuations, namely the trends towards an aging society with a decreasing birth rate, nuclear families and a weakening of community relationships which have been on the rise since the latter half of the 1980's.　

These debates have resulted in developments including the move from institutional Welfare to home-based welfare services, the Gold Plan and public nursing insurance.　However, local communities have come to sense that the problems posed by the aging of society are especially urgent.　This widely shared consciousness of an impending crisis is one of the main factors which has caused people in local communities to participate in social activism(1).　In this sense, community welfare is the greatest agent of local community change and local community reorganization since the resident's movement.　

The formation of a welfare community has not only been debated since the latter half of the 1980's, but correlating resident's mutual aid model, resident's participation model and other forms of home-based welfare service organizations have sprung up at a great pace(2).　

Governmental offices have created transitional models which have incorporated resident's participation by entrusting welfare projects　to social welfare councils and establishing third sector welfare public corporations.　However, we are presently seeing a large increase in the number of resident's movement-type activities.　This so-called 'resident's mutual aid model' of social activity revolves mostly around the housewives who reside in the local community.　

Recognizing the limitations inherent in these voluntary organizations, e.g. their inability to respond to the continual and increasing welfare needs of the community,NPO legislation(3) similar to that in the US has been debated throughout the latter half of the 1990's.　A proposed bill would allow these organizations to incorporate as non-profit organizations and make them essential socio-structural elements.　

As　the public nursing insurance bill and NPO bill become law, the referral model of social welfare which has been adopted by the governmental offices thus far will go through drastic changes.　Individuals and organizations involved in social and community welfare-related volunteer activities will likely move from the limited　individual-based and small scale activities to those of an incorporated non-profit　organization(4).　Such an organization will be an independent citizen's enterprise , having social rights and responsibilities.　

How volunteer activities and non-profit organizations are held in society differs greatly between Japan and the US, making it very difficult to make a precise comparison between the situations in the two countries.　Rather than attempt this, I have roughly summarized the two systems below.　

In the US, in the case of services which cannot be provided through the market or which are best not provided in that manner, it is generally recognized that volunteer and non-profit organizations can provide high quality service in an efficient manner through their ability to respond to the diverse social realities.　Providing for services in this manner is favored over a system in which governmental offices unitarily provide such services.　Governmental offices support non-profit organizations legally as well as financially and actively seek to work together with them.　Tax laws provide non-profit organizations with tax-exempt status.　Non-profit organizations enjoy a great amount of assistance from the private sector and foundations.　Non-profit organizations are recognized as essential socio-structural elements.　

In Japan, non-profit organizations are not recognized as essential socio-structural elements.　The governmental offices monopolize public works and they impede the various independent activities undertaken by citizen's groups.　Citizen's activism is recognized and supported only as a supplementary activity to that of the governmental offices.　

The authorities restrict the citizens' ability to establish public corporations in various ways.　Of the industrially developed countries, Japan is the most difficult environment in which to establishment of a non-profit organization.　

Thus, almost all of Japan citizen's activism is represented by non-incorporated volunteer organizations.　They have weak organizational and financial foundations and, as they are not incorporated organizations, governmental offices cannot call upon them to take charge of any projects.　It is exceedingly difficult for the governmental offices and the volunteer organizations to work together.　

Presently, the NPO bill is being deliberated in the Diet.　However, the proposed bill will put volunteer organizations under the control of governmental offices and will not provide them with a special tax status.　Thus, even if the bill is passed, considerable differences will remain between the situations in Japan and in America.　Whether or not volunteer groups will be allowed to incorporate and develop into full-fledged citizen's organizations capable of taking on responsibilities is an important question from the civil sociological viewpoint, as well.　

Religious, educational, charitable, scientific, academic and other types of organizations which are working for the common good, protecting children or animals, or are engaged in other kinds of charitable activities are exempt from paying taxes.　In addition, donations which individuals or corporations make to these organizations may be treated as financial losses by those entities.　

Public corporations are relatively easy to establish.　Rather than filing for permission　from the governmental offices, it is only necessary to notify them of the formation of the public corporation, which is then granted tax-related benefits.　According to the 'Independent Sector', a well-known NPO survey which provides basic information on non-profit organizations, there are between seven and eight million non-profit organizations operating in the US.　1,200,000 of them are registered while approximately 400,000 are eligible for tax-related benefits.　In 1993 (all figures below are from this year), an estimated 90 million people were involved in some form of volunteer activity.　41% of those surveyed spent an average of 4.2 hours per week volunteering resulting in a total of 19,500,000,000 hours of volunteer work accomplished.　27% percent of those volunteering did so more than five hours per week.　

In America, the legal basis enjoyed by non-profit organizations, together with a deeply instilled tradition of volunteering, combines to produce active social activism.　The limitations inherent in the volunteer organization are compensated by the establishment of the non-profit organization.　The NPO works together with the governmental and private sectors to form an enormous non-profit sector.　

In the Japan, the concept of the non-profit organization does not yet exist.　However, the public corporation can be said to be of a somewhat similar nature.　Tokushu Hojin (special corporation), Shakai Fukushi Hojin (social welfare corporation), Gakko Hojin (education corporation), shukyo hojin (religion corporation) are examples of public corporations.　Of the various types of public corporations, only two, Shadan Hojin and Zaidan Hojin (foundation), are capable of operating as volunteer activity organizations.　

These organizations employ a total of 200,000 people.　Due to various restrictions, it is very difficult to establish a new public corporation.　Furthermore, the independent nature of civil activism is hindered, due to the fact that these entities are under the constant supervision of the governmental organs in charge.　

Japan public corporations are kept under strict control of the bureaucracy and/or governmental offices.　They are often used to provide retiring bureaucrats with cushy supervisory jobs and end up in a subservient role to the overseeing governmental organ, engaged in supplementary projects which saps them of any vitality they may have possessed.　Under the present circumstances, it is nearly impossible for people

outside the governmental sector to independently hold a public corporation and use it to pursue civil activities.　These circumstances are largely responsible for the short term and limited nature of Japan's volunteer activities.　

After the Hanshin-Awaji Disaster, a large number of people volunteered their time to help in relief and recovery operations.　Subsequently, public opinion to change the confining framework in Japan has been overwhelming.　Furthermore, as almost all of Japan's political parties are in favor of passing the NPO bill, it is likely that in the near future the concept of the non-profit organization will take root in Japan's society, as well.　

As part of a Japan - US comparative study of volunteer and NPO activities, I interviewed a large number of NPOs based near Los Angeles, California from 1994 to 1995.　Five of these volunteer organizations allowed me to conduct a questionnaire survey of their volunteers.　In 1996, I carried out a nearly equivalent survey in Tokyo where I worked with volunteers from three local organizations.　

The Volunteer Division of Huntington Memorial Hospital Huntington Memorial Hospital is located in Pasadena City, a suburb of Los Angeles inhabited mostly by middle-upper class whites.　Huntington Memorial Hospital, a general hospital with 600 beds and a staff of 2000, has been very active in procuring volunteers.　Of the 1200 volunteers which are registered with the hospital, 900 of them are active.　

There is a sharp contrast between Huntington Memorial and RSVP, located in downtown Los Angeles.　This federal government funded organization promotes volunteer activity and provides services for the retired and the elderly from the Black, Hispanic, Asian and other communities.　These ethnic minorities are in the lower income bracket.　

I distributed 1000 questionnaires to each group.　The volunteer coordinators then handed them out directly to the actively volunteers at the facilities over a fixed period of time.　I received a total of 358 responses.　

Shisei Home is a special nursing home for the elderly.　It is a general elderly welfare facility which is held in high regard in Japan.　It provides a day service and has a very modern approach to collaboration with volunteers.　

Volunteer coordinators distributed my questionnaires directly and indirectly to all of the volunteers at each of these three locations.　614 questionnaires were distributed.　I received 401 valid responses.　I used the results from St. Luke's International Hospital and Shisei Home in the Japan - US comparative study.　

2) In comparing employment (former employment included), I determined that a disproportionate percentage (52%) of volunteers on the Japan side were housewives.　In the US, most of the female volunteers (62%) had previously held an occupation before beginning their volunteer work.　

4) In comparing the family and marital status of the US volunteers with those in Japan, I found that in the US, many were widowed, divorced or single.　60% of the total number said they had experienced a loss in the family.　In the case of the 30% who were widowed, it was evident that volunteerism contributed greatly to their desire to live.　

In Japan, 30% of the volunteers had less than one year of experience.　Most people volunteered for short periods of time and a lack of continuity in volunteer activity could be observed.　In America, 14% of the volunteers had less than one year of experience;　I was able to detect a trend towards continuity in volunteer activity.　

In Japan, 33% of the volunteers participated once a month or less.　This trend is due to the fact that many volunteers participated in groups which volunteered at the facility once per month.　The practice of forming volunteer groups did not exist at the facilities in America.　Among the American volunteers, most (80%) volunteered once or twice per week.　Volunteering was periodic and regular.　

In the US, almost all of the volunteers spent four hours (half a day) each time they volunteered.　In Japan, close to half the respondents volunteered for relatively short periods of times, e.g. two to three hours per time.　More than half of the volunteers in both Japan and in the US had experience volunteering at other facilities.　The study showed that the volunteers were people who had previously volunteered somewhere else or who were currently volunteering with more than one group.　

In Japan, a large percentage of people were interested in volunteering because they wanted to learn something or make a social contribution.　In America, the great majority of volunteers gave 'personal pleasure attained through volunteering' as their reason for getting involved in volunteer activities.　

Japanese gave 'to enrich one's own life' as their 'most important motive', while in the US, this was noted as the second most important.　It is important to note the difference between the two countries in regards to the 'second most important motive'.　In Japan, few people responded with 'to get joy and delight', in stark contrast with volunteers in the US groups.　The secondary motive for American volunteers was 'the activity itself' or 'it gives me a reason to live' while in Japan it was 'to do something for society' and 'to obtain knowledge and skills'.　A significantly small number of Japanese gave 'pleasure derived through the activity, itself' as a motive for volunteering.　From these results we can perceive the different ways in which people in the two countries look at volunteering.　It also shows us the difference in the way the concept of volunteerism has taken root in society.　I will consider this in a separate section of this paper.　

Both groups of volunteers agreed that 'to be able to volunteer easily within one's own vicinity' and 'to have no time constraints' were ways in which volunteering could become accessible to more people.　

However, when asked 'how to attain social appreciation for volunteering', the most prevalent response on the Japan side was 'mass media coverage', while most volunteers in the American group gave 'awards and certificates from the volunteer organization' as their response.　Few Americans gave 'mass media coverage' as a response.　

It appears that the American volunteers have faith in their volunteer organization and are enjoying their volunteer work, while the Japanese volunteers wish to be less restricted by their volunteer organizations and to be more recognized by society.　

In regards to the question of 'whether it was right for volunteers to be compensated for expenses while volunteering', the two groups differed significantly.　A large number (44%) on the Japan side felt that volunteers should be compensated for their travel expenses while 19% thought it was would all right for volunteers to receive gratuities.　Approximately half as many volunteers in America (27%) approved of travel expenses being reimbursed while only 9% condoned gratuities.　

Recently in Japan, home-based welfare activities (resident's participation model welfare service activities) which pay their staff have been springing up at a rapid pace.　These projects are seen as semi-volunteerism, illustrating the difference in the perceptions in the two countries.　

Only a few volunteers in either group thought that volunteer activity impedes the growth of public services.　In both groups, approximately 30% of the volunteers distinguished between volunteer activities and public services while approximately 60% of them thought that volunteer activities supplement public services.　Survey results matched closely with regards to this point.　However, the Japanese and American groups differed greatly on the question of whether or not volunteer activities stimulated growth of public services.　44% on the Japan side thought that it did, while less than half of those in America (21%) agreed.　This result, too, illustrates differences in the perceptions of social welfare.　

In America, people often volunteer after retiring in order to obtain personal pleasure and a reason to live.　Their Japanese counterpart is usually a housewife who, after raising her children, begins volunteering through an interest in welfare and social issues.　Is it possible to compare these two groups?　

The American volunteer is usually a person engaged in social studies or a retiree who is volunteering because it gives him or her a reason to live.　They work in a relaxed manner and enjoy themselves.　It's likely that they will be volunteering for the long term.　

The Japanese volunteers are usually housewives who have finished raising their children and who have an interest in social welfare activities.　They are unlikely to volunteer for long terms, probably because their volunteering is of a rather deliberate nature or because they are busy with other things.　These trends are also dependent upon whether the volunteering experience is fulfilling and whether they find it easy to engage in volunteer activities.　

It is important to consider the socio-structural differences in each country, as well.　How highly volunteering is regarded in each society and what sort of social function it is allowed to perform are important factors to consider.　In the following passage I shall consider these points, introducing results from the interview-based research that I conducted.　

While conducting questionnaire surveys in the US, I carried out a series of interviews.　The results showed significant differences in the nature of volunteering in Japan and the US.　First, the connotation of the word 'Social Welfare' and the feelings that it arouses in people are decidedly different.　The National Survey of the ' In home help service volunteers', which have grown exponentially in Japan in the 1980's, reveals that the chief volunteering motivation cited by Japan's volunteers is 'interest in social welfare'.　In Japan, volunteering has sprung from anxiety over the aging society and nursing-related problems and other related forms of social panic.　

In America, however, 'social welfare' carries the very negative connotation of 'policy failure'.　None of the volunteers at any of the institutions that I visited said they had an interest in social services; their disinterest in social welfare was even more apparent.　I was told repeatedly that America's tradition of active volunteering and spirit of neighborly cooperation had its roots in the pioneering of the American West and that it was ingrained in the American fabric.　

Yet, the active volunteering found in the US cannot be entirely explained by　historical, religious and value-related factors.　In America, even immigrants who don't speak English well become passionate volunteers.　It is also very common to find short term residents such as foreign exchange students and workers on overseas assignment who take part in volunteer activities.　It is important to note that many of these people had no prior experiences volunteering in their countries of origin.　These phenomena cannot be explained by America's history, traditions or in differences in the human beings involved.　Rather, active volunteerism in the US is obviously being caused by some socio-structural element.　

The difference between the volunteers in Japan and in the US is not caused by differences in their human characteristics or their values, rather by differences in their organizational and social structures as well as in the social environments in which they volunteer.　I will take up these points below by introducing results from the interview-based surveys.　

I will begin with the volunteers activities at Huntington Hospital.　Upon entering the hospital, I noticed that the shops, information desks and information service center were run entirely by volunteers.　The cafeteria staff and hospital's food handlers were also volunteers.　Volunteers wheeled patients from the parking lot to the hospital rooms.　Such volunteers can also be found in Japan, though perhaps not in the same numbers.　Nor is there evidence of any considerable differences in the level of worker quality.　

For example, volunteers with special qualifications work in the hospital's library, helping the doctors find the information that they require.　There is always a volunteer on duty in the waiting area outside of the operating room.　Here, they take care of the needs of the patients and their families.　

Volunteers who specialize in cuddling and holding premature babies are stationed in the room for newborn and premature babies.　Of course, volunteers who specialize in this area are not capable of carrying out medical tasks.　For the most　part, they take directions from doctors and nurses and work as assistants.　Also, it should be noted that volunteers who take care of premature babies all have more than ten years of volunteer experience.　

Those volunteering here come away with an experience near to that of the medical professional.　Though there is a great responsibility which goes along with volunteer work of this sort, the satisfaction the volunteers derive from their work is also considerable.　

Volunteers at Huntington Hospital have formed a variety of hospital support groups.　These groups are active outside the hospital, running fund-raising campaigns and encouraging others to join up as volunteers.　

Many of the volunteers have previously been admitted to this hospital previously and have, after retiring from their jobs, come back as volunteers as a means of repaying the hospital for the care they had received.　

However, many young people come to the hospital to volunteer during school vacations.　Students who wish to work in the medical field in the future come to the hospital as volunteers.　For them, the experience is a sort of internship.　Volunteering gives these students the opportunity to see how a hospital runs and enables them to make decisions about which field suits them best.　

Huntington Hospital's coordination of volunteers is exceptional.　Two volunteer coordinators are on permanent duty and always at hand to handle volunteer placement and to counsel volunteers.　These coordinators display a great deal of care and patience while they engage in their work.　

There is an invisible tension present between those who use volunteer workers and the workers themselves;　Huntington hospital does a good job of steering clear of any problems which might occur between the hospital and the volunteers.　For the hospital, the volunteers are representatives of the community who have entered into the hospital where they can help to make sure that the hospital's quality is maintained.　This characteristic is one of the factors which cause tension between the volunteers and the hospital which utilizes them. In this case, the tension which develops is a positive element as it tends to activate and democratize the medical organization.　

In Japan, there is a shortage of nursing staff at hospitals and special facilities for the elderly.　However, hospitals and facilities which are badly understaffed are also often the least keen to utilize volunteers.　

This is particularly evident in the downtown area of the city where the ethnic minorities are large in number.　These ethnic minorities often have their own volunteer organizations which engage in a wide variety of activities.　

The Chinese community has established its own home for the elderly and Service Center.　There are Korean organizations which serve the very large Korean community.　The Hispanic and other communities have similar facilities.　Of these groups, the Nikkei and Jewish communities are probably the most active.　

Contributions from affluent companies in both communities have provided each group with large nursing homes and retirement homes.　These facilities take on a large number of volunteers.　They are not exclusive, but utilize volunteers from other ethnic backgrounds.　

The rate of ethnic diversification is particularly great in California.　From the perspective of California's governmental offices, welfare and services can be more efficiently provided to states' residents via the NPOs which have developed within each ethnic community, rather than directly from the government, itself.　

One example of this is the United Way, an organization which amasses a enormous amount of funds from corporate and individual sources.　The United Way uses these funds to financially support projects of various volunteer organizations.　

The United Way and other similar organizations have a large number of volunteering specialists among their staff.　Employing strict guidelines, these specialists appraise and assess NPO activity.　I interviewed the Los Angeles branch of the United Way about the standards for funding.　The following three points represent the basic criteria for the United Way.　

Volunteer organizations in the US apply directly to the United Way and similar organizations to obtain funding from them.　The acquisition of these funds is the main function of a volunteer organization's director.　

In the US, there are truly a great number of funding avenues available for an equally great number of activities.　The social framework which supports volunteer activity in the US is once again apparent.　

Japan has organizations such as the Central Fund-Raising Organization (Chuo Bokin Kai), which are similar to the United Way.　However, the rigidity in the distribution of funds is often criticized.　The system does not provide a specialized evaluation of new activities, nor does it fund them actively.　

Employment is not guaranteed on a basis of seniority.　Staff movement within the organization is also greater than it is in Japan.　This organizational characteristic makes it easy for the US organization to utilize volunteers.　In other words, it facilitates the formation of an environment which is receptive to volunteer activity.　Volunteers work along the borderline between the organization's (here, hospitals and facilities) interior and exterior.　Naturally, they are not bound by the regulations which are present in the organization's interior.　This enables them to move from one area to another.　

In the US, there is always a slight tension present between the staff and the volunteers.　Due to this tension, they are often perceived as outsiders by the organization's staff.　However, this trend is not nearly as pronounced as it is in Japan.　

In Japan, the relationship between the staff and the volunteer is plagued with problems (from the staff's point of view, the volunteers don't follow the staff's directions.　They come and go as they please and cannot be relied upon.　From the volunteers' perspective, the wall between themselves and the staff is too thick and they are only called upon to do menial tasks).　In Japan, the difference between a regular employee and employees hired on contract is decisive.　In the US, however, there is much more movement in and out of organizations, as well as movement within organizations.　The division between the inner-outer worlds is not as pronounced as it is in Japanese organizations.　

Governmental offices, medical facilities and welfare institutions are all extremely sensitive to the movements of the consumer and of the market.　All personal services are customer oriented.　The volunteer is a representative of the community and of its needs.　They are capable of informing the public of the services of the hospital/facility.　Thus, for the hospital/facility, they represent an extremely important 'media'.　

Japanese hospitals are resistant to the idea of informed consent.　Nor are they overly willing to show a patient his or her clinical record.　This bears witness to the fact that, in Japan, the concepts of marketing, information disclosure and consumer oriented service have yet to fully take root within the medical and welfare fields.　

Social evaluation of volunteering in Japan and the US are different.　My survey of volunteers in Japan has revealed that a 'low social evaluation' is their greatest source of frustration and dissatisfaction.　In addition to a lack of appreciation from the public at large, volunteers in Japan must contend with a lack of understanding from their families and friends.　It is also important to note that Japanese society does not traditionally reward or encourage people who have acted independently and of their own volition.　In the US, 'volunteer' tends to signify 'an individual', whereas in Japan, individual activity is not readily recognized.　Unless the individual belongs to a group of some kind, his or her actions do not usually receive the approval of society or of his peers.　This explains why Japanese volunteers are not engaged in volunteer activities in order 'to enrich their lives'.　It is also the reason why Japanese volunteers join a group and, as a member of a group, volunteer at various facilities.

This has contributed greatly to the growth of volunteering and NPO activity.　In the 1980s, public financial support of NPOs was increased as a way of cutting back on the amount of money the government was spending on social and welfare services.　According to R. Salamon, a scholar who has conducted comparative research on the non-profit sector in various countries, NPOs are on the rise all over the world.　He gives the follows as reasons for this phenomenon:　the failure of social welfare policy, the impending crisis related to the environment and development and the threat to socialism.　In addition, the fact that governmental funding (as opposed to contributions from the private sector) makes up an unexpectedly large part of the NPOs' financial base cannot be ignored.　This trend hold true even in the US. According to Salamon's analysis, the governmental funding of NPOs is being used to maintain the system and streamline welfare spending reductions.　

In Japan, 2.5% of the workforce is in the non-profic sector which accounts for 3.2% of the GDP.　However, they are only established when there is a direct benefit to governmental offices.　When there is no perceived policy-related merit, establishment of the NPO is either not encouraged or not permitted.　

It is readily apparent that the Japanese government is encouraging volunteer activity to relieve the financial burden connected with the graying of society.　It is important to realize that the debate over volunteer and non-profit activities, the deliberation over financial support for this sector and activation of such activities are being driven by the political, economic and social climate.　

Volunteer activity is highly regarded in the US.　In addition to the social approval directed to those who work without monetary reward and of their own volition, society recognizes the overall social function that volunteer activity plays.　

America has traditionally valued decentralization and governmental downsizing.　This trend is related to the concept of self-governance of local communities and the tradition of democracy.　If a problem is discovered, people turn not to the far-off government but to each other.　Working together locally to solve the problem is preferred.　

The high level of kokyosei inherent in citizen's activity is recognized by society.　This explains the active nature of volunteer organizations and NPOs in the various ethnic communities and why the government actively funds such activity.　Citizen's volunteering and NPO activity makes community self-governance a reality.　

Special Organs such as hospitals and facilities have a tendency to become authoritarian and exclusive.　They develop their own values and behavioral patterns within their organization which may become estranged from the needs of the citizens.　This can occur in both Japan and in the US.　Volunteers enter the system on a daily basis and, working together with the staff, point out the incongruities and fill in the gaps when there are deficiencies.　

Volunteer activity helps to prevent the development of exclusiveness and rigidity in facilities and organizations.　This effect of volunteer activity is not simply a matter of domestic affairs for the organization in question is encouraged by those outside of the organization, as well.　

America's medical and welfare facilities are much more customer oriented than Japan's.　This is due, in part, to a system of checks and balances within the special organization.　Volunteering and NPO activity play a role in this system.　

In Japan, there is still much resistance to the volunteer and NPO presence within the medical and welfare facilities and these institutions have still not become customer oriented.　Japan has not developed a citizen organization-based system of checks and balances for special organs.　

Los Angeles is one of the most ethnically and racially diverse cities in America.　Here, it is common for the various ethnic groups to have there own NPOs.　These NPOs receive support from the local government and, while maintaining the community's cultural and linguistic traditions, provides welfare and social services to the community.　They contribute greatly to the multi-cultural nature of American society.　These NPOs work together with the governmental offices to establish a foundation for coexistence between residents and, at the same time, help to realize the concept of 'cultural sensitive' and 'language sensitive' medical and welfare services, which is enjoying popularity of late.　

In America, consumers rights are protected much more than they are in Japan.　However, this is not simply protection based on policy.　As can be seen in the activities of the Ombudsman, volunteer organizations fight for consumer's rights by taking a stand along with them.　American hospitals and facilities respect the wishes of the patients much more than their Japanese counterparts and provide customer oriented services.　

This is due, in part, to the absence of a public health insurance.　Medical services and nursing homes are run more or less according to market mechanism.　Of course, this system presents various contradictions and problems.　Still, volunteer activity　is being actively encouraged as a way of protecting consumers' rights.　Volunteering and NPO activity within hospitals and facilities is greatly responsible for the development of services which take the side of the consumer.　

Volunteer activity and NPOs are operating within the bounds of what Touraine　called 'the new social movement'.　The relationship between government and NPO in the US is moving from a conflicting one to a cooperative one.　We are witnessing an increase in governmental funding of NPOs.　

Historically, civil rights, environment, consumerism, feminism, conservatism and the other main themes of American social movement have their origin in the non-profit organization.　Volunteering and NPOs have helped to bring about protection of minority rights, advocacy, Ombudsman, hospices, elderly luncheon associations and nursing homes, consumer oriented services in medical and welfare facilities, consumerism, information disclosure and other important revolutions.　

Volunteering and NPOs are bringing about the formation of the citizens' society.　In Japan, as well, activities which are very different from that traditionally associated with citizens' and residents' movements are springing up within the medical and welfare fields.　Especially in the case of home-based welfare programs, many organizations which got their start in residents' movements are making the switch from -citizens' movement- to -citizens' enterprise-.　This change from a small scale, unstable volunteer activity to a specialized citizen's enterprise capable of continued activity is necessary and inevitable, due to the nature of their daily support of the elderly and handicapped.　In the future, after Japan passes the NPO legislation, the shift from volunteer activity and volunteer organization to a specialized citizen's enterprise will become even more necessary.　

The popularity of volunteering in the US is due to the fact that it is rewarded.　Volunteers can attain pleasure and emotional fulfillment from their work.　Through their experiences as volunteers their lives can be enriched and they can find their own reason to live.　The majority of the dozens of volunteers that I interviewed said that they were not sacrificing themselves for the sake of others.　Rather, they were volunteering to fulfill their own needs.　They said that they were the ones benefiting most from their volunteer work.　If their volunteer work is useful to the hospital/facility or to society in general, they said their pleasure would then be two-fold.　Scholars tend to point to the historical factors, Protestant morality and tax policies when explaining American volunteerism.　These factors all play a part, but important element behind volunteerism is the structure which makes it rewarding to the volunteer.　This structure did not develop spontaneously.